Bob Hawke unwittingly involved in Chinese spy operation, new book 'Spies and Lies' reveals

Following the international fallout from the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, officials for China's secretive Ministry of State Security concocted a plan to win back the support of Western countries.

The long game operation resulted in a number of top agents embedding themselves in a pro-Chinese Communist Party think tank - operating as a front - and recruiting Mr Hawke in a highly-visible role as its first foreign adviser.

While Australian diplomats in Beijing "raised their eyebrows" at the company the former prime minister kept during his many visits, which included Chinese military intelligence officials, he was later appointed the chairman of its commercial arm, further legitimising its operations.

The fresh details are outlined in a new book, Spies and Lies, by China analyst Alex Joske released on Wednesday.

But Mr Hawke was unaware of the role he played in positively reshaping China's reputation internationally, Mr Joske told The Canberra Times, and instead was focused on making a profit in his post-parliamentary career.

The former Australian Strategic Policy Institute researcher said the unconventional operation was key to understanding China's past, present and future targets.

"The [operation's] focus was really on influence and not stealing secrets," Mr Joske said.

"Even if it's not espionage, influence operations are still really worrying and can shape politics and can affect our decision-making on China."

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China's intelligence operations for decades have been largely misunderstood by western spies, causing blind spots for democracies who now face its more aggressive approach, Mr Joske's research revealed.

Mr Hawke's involvement, along with that of other notable world leaders, in the state security ministry's fronts were pivotal to its eventual rise.

"Hawke's value was that he sold China to the rest of the world, reframed Australia's image of the nation after the Tiananmen massacre, and gifted his reputation to influence vehicles like the Bo'ao Forum," Mr Joske wrote.

"He was personally taking part in the story of China's incredible economic rise with his consultancy. Through the fruits of his 'marvellous' return to China, he helped craft an image of a modernising and liberalising China."

Acting as its external propaganda wing, the state security ministry's covert liberalisation messaging had lulled foreign counter-intelligence agencies, who had their focus turned to Soviet Russia and later, the war on terror, Mr Joske said.

Practically speaking, it meant Australia was "decades behind" understanding the authoritarian state's operations.

"China has been building intelligence networks in Australia for decades ... and it's only really in the past couple of years that I think this has become a major issue in the eyes of the Australian government," he said.

"There's just a real lack of expertise and capability to give us a foundation for even working out how to tackle the problem of covert operations from China."

But despite a targeted awareness campaign in recent years by domestic spy agency Australian Secret Intelligence Organisation, Mr Joske thinks it could happen again.

State and local politicians without less direct access to national security advice were still a "weak point" for influence operations like Mr Hawke's.

"China just understood our political system and recognised that the states have a say - they're important factions in federal politics," he said.

"They're also proving grounds for future federal politicians."

Mr Joske said sunlight is the best disinfectant for halting China's political interference in Australia's domestic landscape but more work needed to be done to publicly expose the shadowy operations.

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