While, as some have suggested, Penny Wong's visit to Beijing may be more of a footnote than an historic event in its own right, it is still a significant milestone on the long and winding road to "normalising" relations with China.
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It certainly lacks the dramatic impact of Gough Whitlam's first visit to China as opposition leader in 1971 and his historic meetings with Zhou Enlai and Chairman Mao in 1972.
Those visits laid the groundwork for a remarkable friendship between the two nations that resulted in China becoming Australia's most important trading partner.
Two factors, the ALP's decision to adopt a policy of recognising mainland China at its conference in Hobart in 1955 and Mr Whitlam's willingness to accept a "one China policy" at the expense of diplomatic recognition for Taiwan, made this possible.
Mr Whitlam's 1972 visit, which is being "marked" - not commemorated or celebrated - this week, was seen by some as a sign he had been duped by the "red Chinese". Even he conceded, in a conversation with Australia's first post-war ambassador to China, Steven FitzGerald, that "it would be unnatural of them [the Chinese] not to take advantage of us or hold us in contempt for apparent weakness".
That, in many ways, has been a defining feature of the Australia-China relationship up until very recently. Beijing has, in the past, been unable to separate its relations with Canberra from the US because of this nation's historic links with Washington.
That this has always been the case was demonstrated by Zhou's insistence, at his first meeting with Mr Whitlam, that the ANZUS treaty was an alliance against China.
Mr Whitlam's response was interesting. He told Zhou that while ANZUS was intended to protect Australia from a remilitarised Japan, SEATO - the now defunct South East Asian Treaty Organisation which included the US, Britain, France, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines and Thailand was effectively a dead letter.
It is quite clear that China's fear of being encircled and contained by alliances such as AUKUS and the quad has a long history.
Like Mr Whitlam 51 years ago, Foreign Minister Penny Wong is only able to take baby steps at this delicate stage in the relationship. Now, just as it was then, the dialogue is the important development.
While Senator Wong would have been remiss if she had failed to bring up the plight of the detained Australians, trade sanctions and human rights issues, the reality is that there is ground to be given on both sides.
China remains aggrieved by Australia's call for the COVID inquiry - a major tactical blunder by the Morrison government, AFP raids on Chinese journalists, the ban on Huawei and the withdrawal of funding from the China Matters think tank.
The old adage that if you insist on an eye for an eye soon the whole world will be blind comes to mind. It is to be hoped that the resumption of high level talks, coupled with the Albanese government's more mature rhetoric and China's decision to wind back its "wolf warrior" diplomacy will make it possible for the two countries to work together when they can and, as Senator Wong put it on the eve of her departure, "to disagree where we must".
This can only be achieved if Australia continues to resist any attempts at bullying or coercion and continues to work with its many friends in the region.
The risk that despite some "green shoots" Beijing would be quick to take advantage of any apparent weakness on Australia's part is, if anything, even greater now than it was when Mr Whitlam briefed Mr FitzGerald half a century ago.
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